The crisis Haiti has faced since the end of last year, with the announcement in October of a Kenyan-led UN Mission to send troops to the country, has taken on a new chapter since the resignation of Prime Minister Ariel Henry, in March. The transitional government, made up of representatives from various political sectors, is at the center of the dispute over Haiti's political future. While progressive sectors argue for a Haitian solution to the crisis, right-wing parties and the Caribbean Community restrict the transition to the deployment of UN troops.
Economist Camille Chalmers, one of Haiti's leading intellectuals and political leaders, says the security crisis caused by the gangs that control 80% of the area of the Haitian capital, is linked to "political criminality" and aims to make it easier for US military intervention in the country.
"This is not pure criminality, but political criminality. It's related to a political project to put the country in a state of non-functioning to make it easier for US military intervention. It's a very violent strategy with dramatic consequences for the daily lives of the Haitian people," he said. Chalmers has been a professor at the State University of Haiti (Université d’État d’Haïti, in French) since 1980 and leader of the Rasin Kan Pèp la Party (socialist regroupment for a new national initiative, in a rough translation). He talked to Brasil de Fato.
The professor points out that part of this strategy can be spotted in the US support for Guy Philippe, leader of the 2004 coup that ousted the progressive government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Arrested in the US for involvement in drug trafficking among other crimes, Philippe was extradited to Haiti in November 2023, a month after the UN Security Council decided to send troops to the country.
"He received weapons and training from the CIA to overthrow Aristide. After being arrested for drug trafficking, he was transferred to Miami and spent six years in prison. Aristide returned to Haiti in November 2023 saying he is a revolutionary, but this is blatant manipulation. Also, former US ambassador to Haiti, Pamela White, recently declared that Guy Philippe must be part of the solution. That’s dangerous and a way for imperialism to bring gang leaders to power, further isolating the country, in addition to reinforcing the dominant rhetoric against Haitians. The Haitian people will not accept this situation."
Chalmers is also active in debates on Haiti as coordinator of the Haitian Advocacy Platform for Alternative Development (Papda), a coalition of grassroots organizations founded in 1995 that fights against neoliberal policies. He attributes to these policies the weakening of the country's economy, particularly in the countryside, and the rise in unemployment, conditions that have facilitated the growth of gangs. "We have hundreds of thousands of young people out of work and living in despair. With this, of course, they become easy targets for gang recruitment."
The Haitian economist cites estimates that 12% of all cocaine entering the US passes through Haiti and its neighbor, the Dominican Republic. In addition to being a consumer market for trafficking, the US is also the main supplier of the weapons Haitian gangs use, he says.
"We are blaming US arms manufacturers who are getting rich off the blood of the Haitian people, and we are demanding reparations for this. Many of these gangs have links to drug trafficking. Therefore, there is a large flow of arms and, in the opposite direction, a flow of drugs. These two flows explain a little about the strength of these gangs that have worked to destroy democratic institutions and the Haitian state. As has been seen in other Latin American countries, it's a chaos articulated with mechanisms of accumulation and usurpation of the country."
Chalmers points out that the growth of gangs is directly related to the building of far-right movements in the country, supported by the United States. This political stance has consolidated itself in power over the last 12 years through the PHTK, or Party of Scratched Heads, of which former Prime Minister Ariel Henry was the most recent representative.
"It's very important to see that this fabrication is linked to a continental strategy. In response to the progressive cycle, a very aggressive new right is being manufactured. When we compare the political discourse of Michel Martelly (who was imposed as president of Haiti), with that of Bolsonaro and Trump, it's exactly the same rhetoric."
Read bellow the full interview
Brasil de Fato: We know that for several months now Haiti has gone through a new wave of violence amid a political crisis. There are reports that armed groups control more than 80% of the capital city, including essential structures such as ports and an airport. I want to start by asking about the current humanitarian, social and security situation in Port-au-Prince.
Camille Chalmers: The situation of the Haitian people is very serious. It has become much worse since February 29 with the new wave of violence unleashed by gangs. But to understand this, we have to recall that these paramilitary groups are part of US imperialism's global strategy of dominance, because they receive unlimited amounts of weapons and ammunition. They also benefit from impunity, because the de facto interim government [former Prime Minister Ariel Henry] is closely linked to some of these organizations.
The chaos we are experiencing is manufactured chaos, where major powers have done nothing relevant to stop the massacre. We can say that the Haitian people are suffering a massacre. We are seeing that these paramilitary groups are destroying schools and hospitals. They have already destroyed more than 18 hospitals and also universities.
And this shows very clearly that this is not pure criminality, but political criminality. It's related to a political project to put the country in a non-functioning state to make it easier for US military intervention. It's a very violent strategy with dramatic consequences for the daily lives of the Haitian people.
The Haitian people keep resisting, but we are in a very vulnerable situation. If we are still living it is thanks to a brave rural economy that, despite the closure of ports and airports, continues to feed the population. We must also thank the emergence, in some neighborhoods, of popular self-defense groups that limit the aggression of gangs.
They don't have weapons but get together and build barricades to control the flow of people in and out of the neighborhood. Some of these groups have police officers because not all police officers are corrupt, not all are linked to these gangs. Some of them are patriots and join the popular self-defense effort. This explains why I can get out of my house to work: the neighborhood where my office is located is relatively safe due to self-defense groups.
You've talked a bit about these criminal groups, but what other factors explain the current situation? What triggered this new crisis? Was it the permanence of Prime Minister Ariel Henry? The lack of elections? Foreign interventions? What would you say are the main reasons?
To understand the current Haitian situation, one needs to remember that our country has been the victim of many shocks, shocks of great magnitude. For example, adopting neoliberal policies weakened the rural economy, generating a lot of unemployment. We have hundreds of thousands of unemployed youths living in despair. And, of course, they become easy targets for gang recruitment.
It should also be noted that there is a very large flow of drug trafficking in Haiti. It is estimated that 12% of all cocaine that enters the US passes through Haiti and the Dominican Republic. In other words, it's a huge amount of money.
In addition, since 2011, in response to the waves of popular mobilization, the US has manufactured a right-wing group called PHTK [Arien Henry's political party]. It's very important to see that this fabrication is linked to a continental strategy. In response to the progressive cycle, a very aggressive new right is being manufactured. When we compare the political discourse of Michel Martelly (who was imposed as president of Haiti), with that of Bolsonaro and Trump, it's exactly the same rhetoric."
So, Haiti is suffering from the clashes of this far right that has monopolized power since 2011 and is largely to blame for the chaos we are experiencing, as well as various massacres organized against working-class neighborhoods. There have been more than 13 massacres and an atmosphere of terror to prevent the entire process of popular mobilization and expel the working classes from the political stage.
You talked about foreign influence and the far right in Haiti. What is the origin of these powerful armed groups? Could you explain who their members are and whether they are related to any political organization?
It has already been proven by various reports that these groups were formed and armed by the far-right president Michel Martelly to combat waves of popular mobilization. It was the response of the system and the ruling classes to neutralize popular mobilization – and nothing has been done to counter this process.
On the contrary, these gangs receive a lot of weapons from the US and nobody is going to convince us that the US state can't control arms trafficking with Haiti, because that’s huge. We also blame US arms manufacturers who are getting rich off the blood of the Haitian people, and we are demanding reparations for this.
Many of these gangs have links with drug trafficking. Therefore, there is a large flow of arms and, in the opposite direction, a flow of drugs. These two flows explain a little about the strength of these gangs that have worked to destroy democratic institutions, the Haitian state, and – as has been seen in other Latin American countries – it's chaos articulated with mechanisms of accumulation and usurpation of the country."
It's also important to note that in recent years and during 2023, Joe Biden's migration plan was applied to Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and Haiti. Over 168,000 people left Haiti for the US. At the same time, as the US says it wants to strengthen Haiti's national police force, it has favored the departure of 3,000 police officers from Haiti, amidst a scenario where the national police force is already undersized.
In other words, they've sent 25 to 30% of Haiti’s police forces to the US. This shows that, in the global strategy, there is a weakening of the state apparatus. Also, it must be said that the government is applying IMF measures (which also weaken the state) and is transferring competencies to what they call the “private sector”. All this is important for understanding the crisis – and it's worth adding two factors.
The geopolitical factor: the US wants to maintain total control over the Caribbean basin, which is close to them and plays a very important role in goods exchange. The US is very afraid of a potential political alliance between Cuba, Venezuela and Haiti. That's why they want to maintain absolute control over the political game. It has also been proven that there are strategic mineral resources on Haitian soil. There is gold, titanium, lithium, iridium, bauxite, calcium carbonate, etc. These are very important mineral resources for the empire's accumulation strategies.
This is also part of the problem and explains why they want to impose a military intervention. We say that the latest military interventions in Haiti had very negative outcomes for the Haitian people. In fact, one of the leaders, representing the UN Secretary-General, applauded the gang federation (called G9) saying that this federation is a very positive thing. So, there is a very close relationship with organized crime and the use of organized crime as a mechanism of dominance.
It's very important to understand the global panorama of what we are experiencing. We advocate for a National Security Council that will define a strategic plan to fight organized crime. With this plan, we can request cooperation with other countries, such as Brazil, Venezuela, etc. to really fight it. However, a military occupation by US soldiers will not solve the problem and means a threat to the sovereignty of the Caribbean peoples.
Regarding the armed groups, do you believe they can effectively come to power through the conflict in Haiti?
Some political forces are pursuing this and have put forward a three-headed presidency that includes Guy Philippe, who played an active role in ousting Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 2004. He received weapons and training from the CIA to overthrow Aristide.
After being arrested for drug trafficking, he was transferred to Miami and spent six years in prison. Aristide returned to Haiti in November saying he is a revolutionary, but this is blatant manipulation.
Also, former US ambassador to Haiti, Pamela White, recently declared that Guy Philippe must be part of the solution. That’s dangerous and a way for imperialism to bring gang leaders to power, further isolating the country, in addition to reinforcing the dominant rhetoric against Haitians. The Haitian people will not accept this situation."
You spoke about the new international mission and the UN sending troops to Haiti, this time led by Kenya, an idea encouraged by the US. What is your perspective on this situation?
There is a lot of hypocrisy because they claim that a military intervention will solve the problem, which is totally false. They have weakened the national police and oppose any process of strengthening local capacities to tackle organized crime. The insertion of Kenyan police in Haiti is a farce because we know they won't be effective due to the complexity of the problem and the language barrier.
Kenya is just a pretext because the US will control the mission and set the agenda for these forces. That's why we reject this type of military intervention and seek to define a security plan in a sovereign approach, in an exchange of solidarity with other countries to strengthen national capacities. Cooperation in solidarity can help the Haitian people overcome the crisis and begin a real process of national reconstruction.
Following Henry's resignation, institutions like the Caribbean Community (Caricom) are demanding that the Transitional Council accept the new UN mission, led by the US. Can you explain how the Transitional Council is set up in Haiti? What is your opinion about Caricom's position vis-à-vis the Council?
The Transitional Council is made up of seven different sectors, including representatives of popular sectors and civil society. The situation is complex, because Caricom was not working alone, and the plan was articulated by foreign forces.
Grassroots sectors must have representatives on the Council so they are not totally excluded. However, that’s a contradictory situation. There is ongoing negotiation within the Council on a political agreement, and we are waiting to see whether or not it is acceptable. We are firmly against military occupation and any process to keep the far right in power, and we will not accept submission to the imperialist will of the US.
Today, do you see room in the Council for this dispute against the mission? Do you believe that the representative of the Montana Accord can block troops from being sent to Haiti?
We believe that three or four representatives could take this fight forward. We are waiting to see what the outcome will be with the political agreement that is being negotiated. It's going to be very difficult because the reactionary sector also has its representatives in the Council and has control of real power.
It's a very difficult situation. In the next few days, we'll be working out a strategy to see if we continue, that is, if the Montana Accord continues, because we don't participate directly in it. However, Montana brings together many organizations, including the most advanced farmers' federations, which have a socialist stance.
We will define a position to see if we will leave Montana or demand that Montana leave in order to develop a strategy of opposition outside the state institutions. It's a complicated decision, considering the gangs' control over the territory and the fact that the popular sector has no way of confronting gangs today. In some neighborhoods, there are small self-defense groups, but they can't confront gangs.
Regarding the Montana Accord, can you tell us more about what it consists of, how it was drawn up and why it is defended today?
The Montana Accord emerged from a process within the popular mobilization against the government of Jovenel Moïse. When Moïse was assassinated, the Montana Accord defined a route to move towards a political transition we call "political transition of rupture". In other words, that’s a political transition ensuring that there will be no continuation of the political monopoly of the far right.
The transition to rupture involves a national conference of all national sectors to define agendas and priorities for national construction. It also involves judicial processes to judge those responsible for the financial crimes and massacres we have suffered in recent times, as well as some urgent economic measures to alleviate the situation, which is desperate. Almost 50% of the population deals with food insecurity, a very high unemployment rate and a minimum wage that doesn't even allow us to buy 12% of basic-needs grocery packages.
Therefore, these are urgent measures from an economic point of view to alleviate people’s suffering and also to allow a process of popular mobilization to take place through legal actions. For example, all the testimonies about the massacres will be very important for mobilization and for psychologically reversing the situation we are facing today.
People must regain confidence in themselves and the country so that we can move forward and organize elections that are transparent and controlled by Haitian sectors, and not rigged elections like the last presidential elections, which saw less than 18% of the electorate participate and were controlled by foreign forces. We need to repatriate the electoral process so that it is truly a reflection of the collective desire of the Haitian people.
I would like to talk about previous UN missions, especially Minustah, led by Brazil. Many history experts repudiate the role of this mission and even say that Haiti should receive reparations for it due to the damage caused to the country. What assessment do you and the Haitian left make of Minustah?
We had 12 UN missions from 1992 to the present day, and the balance is totally negative. They have played an important role in weakening the rural economy, imposing neoliberal policies, intensifying food dependency and weakening state agencies, such as the electoral system, which has no credibility because people know it is under foreign control.
They performed quite badly. When we say "Brazil", we have to explain that one of Minustah's chief commanders, General Augusto Heleno, was one of the masterminds behind the coup attempt against Lula's inauguration in January 2023. So, we have to be more precise: it's not Brazil. We're demanding reparations because we've suffered a lot.
We even held a very important people's tribunal that qualified the crimes committed by Minustah against the Haitian people. We're talking, for example, about the introduction of cholera, a disease that had never existed in Haiti and killed 40,000 people, infected 800,000 and, to this day, makes victims.
Another very serious crime was the wave of rapes against women and girls, and a large number of orphans. We need reparations for that.
It's very important to defend the dignity of the Haitian people. We must also remember that many of these missions have not achieved the disarmament they promised. Some programs have even strengthened the power of gangs over working-class neighborhoods, including from an economic point of view.
Under the pretext of economic reintegration, they offered money to gang leaders who used the money to strengthen their control over neighborhoods. It's really very nefarious and it didn't happen in the recent military occupations only.
In 1915, a military intervention by the US Army took advantage of a 19-year occupation to establish mechanisms of political guardianship and economic disarticulation. The US organized a mass migration, where more than 400,000 Haitian rural workers migrated to the bateyes of Cuba, which were areas controlled by the US capital. We have had a very painful experience with military occupations. They did the opposite of building a national project for most of Haiti’s population.
What influence did the years of dictatorship by the Duvalier family, Papa Doc and his son Baby Doc have? How does this continue today? Has the repression of that time left its mark on Haitian politics?
Yes, for sure. The Duvalier dictatorship, which lasted 29 years, is one of the harshest blows the Haitian people have ever suffered. Not only did he disorganize the state, but he also perpetrated many crimes. Duvalier was considered by the US to be one of the brakes on the communist advance in the Caribbean. At the same time, he developed a pseudo-nationalist rhetoric when, in fact, the presence and power of the US increased during his dictatorship.
Therefore, it's very crucial to keep in mind that this new right represented, for example, by Michel Martelly, Jovenel Moïse and Ariel Henry, is neo-Duvalierist. They always say that in Duvalier's time, there was security, things were better, etc. It's important to see the connection between the project of dominance they want to consolidate now and Duvalierism.
Haiti is one of the few countries in Latin America to have suffered such a long and bloody dictatorship without any judicial review of the accountability of those people, some of whom are still alive. Argentina, for example, has taken very important steps. There is a very important work of memory to deconstruct the Duvalierist state that these people on the far right want to rebuild.
Regarding the experience of the Aristide government, which you mentioned, do you believe that Haiti could once again have a progressive experience without suffering the same threats that the Aristide government suffered?
I think we've learned a lesson. We now have many more tools to fight for true sovereignty and self-determination. We also have to recognize that a large part of Aristide's government recovered along the way, after the first coup. Aristide couldn't develop a project to break [with foreign interference] that would lead to real self-determination, which was the fundamental project that brought him to power. This is also part of the crisis. The post-1986 government experiences have never lived up to the people's demands.
I'd like to return to the issue of cooperation and talk about other types of cooperation, taking an example from Venezuela: Petrocaribe, created by former president Hugo Chávez. There is consensus that there have been problems with this program, but it provides the coordinates for a model of non-interventionist cooperation and integration with Haiti. What is your assessment of Petrocaribe and what are the possibilities of resuming an initiative like this with Venezuela?
The Petrocaribe program offered important opportunities for Haiti. It was the first time that the Haitian state had access to such a large level of liquidity and liquidity without any restrictions, since the money that comes from the World Bank, the IMF and the IDB is conditional money: "We'll lend you 200 million, but you'll have to privatize electricity, the telephone system, etc."
Petrocaribe didn't impose these conditions. It's important to highlight that it was a wonderful opportunity, but one that was largely squandered by far-right governments, even involving scandalous embezzlement cases. That's why we say that, in the political transition, it's very important to clarify this before the elections so that the extreme right-wing political class doesn't remain in power.
It really was a wonderful program and offered many opportunities for Haiti, but it was very badly used by the conservative political elites.
To conclude, I would like to know the role of the rural movement regarding the situation of food insecurity that Haiti is experiencing.
Well, the Roots of the Popular Countryside party, on whose board I sit, is a member of the São Paulo Forum and maintains close ties with many other parties in Central America and the Caribbean. The Haitian rural movement developed a lot during the anti-Duvalierist struggle against the dictatorship.
We have structures that are now more than 50 years old, like the MPP, the Papaya Farmers' Movement, Tèt Kole Ti Peyizan, small farmers groups, which are very brave structures that developed a heroic struggle against the dictatorship and which maintain a high level of political and ideological unity. This is one of the most organized social sectors.
There are also others, such as the feminist sector and the student sector, but the organizational level is much more advanced among farmers. Of course, it's a very important sector in Haiti because the construction of a rural republic was frustrated by the Revolution of 1804. All the public policies of the Haitian state are anti-farmer, with a lot of aggression against farmers.
So it's a fundamental struggle and we say the rural sectors must be one of the central and strategic actors in the struggle to rebuild the country. At PAPDA, which is a union of social movements, we work a lot with the rural sectors, and have just published a booklet of demands from the countryside, which was a collective construction in all the departments of the country, showing what the priorities of the countryside are and how this sector sees the changes in other sectors of society.
We are working with this sector and we've also built a political training school, which is run by the farmers' federations. Within this political school, important work is done on political education, but also on connecting with the struggles of workers in Latin America.
Edited by: Rodrigo Durão Coelho
